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Daily Smile

[{"type":"text","text":"Bulldog vs toilet paper..."}]

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<title>Daily Smile: Friday, July 3, 2026</title>

Bulldog vs toilet paper...

Daily Smile: Friday, July 3, 2026

[{"type":"text","text":"Uhhhhh, what do I do?"}]

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<title>Daily Smile: Sunday, Aug. 16, 2026</title>

Uhhhhh, what do I do?

Daily Smile: Sunday, Aug. 16, 2026

Ray Tsuchiyama

Business & Tourism

Columnists

During my two decades in Japan, every summer I traveled to Honolulu for our family vacation. After the flight from Tokyo, I would drive on Nimitz Highway, looking at miles of rusting warehouses and used-car lots, along with hundreds of single-wall homes and walk-up apartment buildings. And on every trip, I would ponder: Why hasn't anything changed since I first moved to Kalihi a few years after Statehood?

When I moved to Tokyo in 1991, I saw acres of old buildings and tiny streets in the middle of a vast metropolis. One by one, I witnessed hundreds of family-owned parcels assembled and redeveloped into projects such as Roppongi Hills, Tokyo Midtown and, more recently, Azabudai Hills.

The contrast was staggering: old Tokyo residential neighborhoods becoming new mixed-use districts with retail, restaurants, entertainment, hotels and, most importantly, new housing.

I was witnessing a different development process.

Why didn't Hawaiʻi develop an equivalent process?

During my Hawaiʻi visits, over lunch with friends at Bishop Street law and banking firms, the conversation would return again and again to what they regarded as the Holy Grail of Hawaiʻi's economic discussion:

In hindsight, perhaps these questions started from the wrong place.

Of course, tourism is the obvious economic engine. But Hawaiʻi also has generationally accumulated private wealth, much of it embedded in real estate — which is a role rarely discussed in Hawaiʻi’s economy.

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Much of this wealth is invisible in conventional economic-development discussions.

Hawaiʻi has two economies: the visible economy of visitors and the invisible economy of accumulated local capital.

Yet being “invisible” does not mean that Hawaiʻi families are necessarily poor in wealth. Instead, they are often heavily concentrated in one form of wealth: land and real estate.

Compare that with wealthy families in larger Mainland economies or internationally connected regions. Many have diversified their fortunes into operating businesses that produce revenues well beyond their home markets — like consumer or food products.

A family business in California or New York can build factories, distribution networks or brands that sell around the world. A small country or region does not necessarily have to be a limitation.

Switzerland is an instructive example. With a population of only about nine million — roughly nine Hawaiʻis —globally recognized Swiss firms like UBS, Rolex and Novartis remind us that the size of a domestic market does not determine the potential scale of a business.

[{"type":"text","marks":[{"type":"textStyle"}],"text":"Hawaiʻi's challenge has been different."}]

Generations of Hawaiʻi families accumulated wealth primarily through land and real estate. That created long-term wealth, but it also created concentration.

A $50 million property portfolio is not the same thing as $50 million in cash, or a global operating company generating $50 million in annual revenue.

That distinction becomes especially important when a family owns a valuable property but needs capital to improve it.

Selling the property may conflict with family legacy, stewardship, future generations, emotional attachment, and long-term appreciation.

I recall sitting in the Castle & Cooke boardroom in the early 1980s and listening to the CEO discuss how the company owned thousands of acres of land but had difficulty finding the capital to develop it to its “highest and best use.”

If a major Hawaiʻi landowner with institutional relationships and access to Mainland credit lines could struggle to finance development, what happens to a family that owns a single Waikīkī retail property?

[{"type":"text","marks":[{"type":"textStyle"}],"text":"The issues are not theoretical."}]

One family member wants to renovate the building. Another wants a distribution. Someone else wants to buy a house.

These are not abstract questions of operations or return on investment. They are real family decisions being made today in Nu‘uanu, Mānoa, Hawaiʻi Kai and communities throughout the Islands.

The challenge for the next generation of Hawaiʻi families may not be creating wealth.

[{"type":"text","marks":[{"type":"textStyle"}],"text":"It may be learning how to steward it."}]

The founder's philosophy — “Never sell the land” — worked remarkably well for a generation. Land provided security, income, appreciation, and family continuity.

But what happens when the founder is gone and the property passes to five children, 12 grandchildren and eventually 30 beneficiaries?

The circumstances change: multiple heirs, fragmented ownership, increasingly complex properties, capital requirements, redevelopment opportunities, and housing and community pressures.

[{"type":"text","marks":[{"type":"textStyle"}],"text":"So the question evolves."}]

[{"type":"text","marks":[{"type":"textStyle"}],"text":"Not: Should we sell?"}]

But: How can we make the asset more productive while preserving long-term family ownership?

How do we responsibly deploy what we have for the next generation?

Perhaps the next evolution is to think of family land not simply as an asset to hold, but as a form of Neighborhood Capital — capital capable of participating in the long-term development of the communities around it.

That brings me back to my two-decade frustration at the start of every Hawaiʻi vacation.

What happens when Hawaiʻi's greatest untapped economic asset is not the monthly visitor count but what already exists in family balance sheets across the Islands?

Most importantly, what could Neighborhood Capital mean for Kalihi-Pālama, a historically overlooked community strategically sited between the airport and Waikīkī, Hawaiʻi's economic engine?

If the capital and the land are already here, why aren't we seeing more large-scale, locally rooted development?

Perhaps Hawaiʻi does not have a shortage of capital, land, or expertise.

What it may lack is a process for bringing them together — patiently, professionally and at a neighborhood scale.

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This is the inaugural column in Ray Tsuchiyama’s series exploring one central question: How does Hawai‘i use the wealth and land it already has to create its next economic future? He can be reached at 

Oahu neighborhoods homes i Stock

<title>Hawaiʻi’s next billion-dollar industry is not tourism — it is capital stewardship</title>

Everyday people in Hawai‘i are, collectively, sitting on a vast source of wealth, mainly real estate. As Guild Consulting's real estate and finance expert Ray Tsuchiyama explains, the Islands' next big challenge — and opportunity — could be putting this wealth to work at the neighborhood level for positive change.

Hawaiʻi’s next billion-dollar industry is not tourism — it is capital stewardship

De Soto 2025

DeSoto Brown

Hawai‘i History

There was a time when neon signs were all over the place in Honolulu, and indeed pretty much all over the world. Today they are rare to nearly nonexistent, and they mostly evoke memories of the middle decades of the 20th century. What is neon? What made it popular, and why did it go away?

First, scientifically, neon is a rare gas which is naturally present in a small amount in earth’s atmosphere; it was first identified as an element in 1898. A French inventor, Georges Claude, discovered that if pure neon gas enclosed in an airtight glass enclosure was electrified, it would give off a bright orange-red glow. In 1912 Claude’s company, using this technology, began manufacturing the first neon advertising signs. (Although known just as “neon signs” they did, in fact, use other gases as well to produce different colors.) After coming into use in France, the first such electric signs were displayed in the USA in the early 1920s (said to specifically have been by a Los Angeles car dealership in 1923), and Americans immediately took to these amazing and striking new lights that soon would dramatically alter downtown streets by night.

Initially, the Claude Neon company registered patents in the United States for specific processes that they used in their manufacturing process. From this fact they implied that they alone were the only authorized makers of neon signs and that all competitors were potentially in legal violation of their patents. In Honolulu, as neon was first promoted to customers in 1928-1929, two competing sign companies (with confusingly similar names) that represented two manufacturers mildly battled about this in their ads. The Electric Shop, licensed by Claude Neon through a California company, stated the former “controls the neon sign patents in America” and that customers must “Beware of Imitations.” Meanwhile the Electric Supply Company, agent for QRS Neon, said it would protect customers from claims of patent infringement if any such arose.

The Electric Shop was the first to offer neon signs in Hawaii, but under cumbersome restrictions. Such signs were not sold to customers but only could be leased for three years, requiring monthly payments, with the option to extend the lease at half price after that. Meanwhile the Electric Supply Co. boasted that it sold signs outright, which probably was more attractive to buyers. The Electric Shop started things off in a big way in February 1928 by installing 33 neon signs on both Standard Oil gas stations (13 of them) and Shell stations (20 out of the 88 then on O‘ahu). The latter were said to “sparkle with beautiful Neon signs by night” in a newspaper ad on May 1, 1928. By July of the following year, some of the Honolulu businesses with neon included the Benson Smith Drug Store, Manufacturer’s Shoes, Hub Clothing, Henry May & Co. groceries, and two of the Consolidated Amusements movie theaters. By the 1930s, the latter would be adding significant amounts of neon to their theaters’ marquees and facades.

Into the 1960s, neon would be a growth industry locally. For sign companies, neon could be financially lucrative since the fragile glass tubes that created the colorful glows required constant care and maintenance. Not only could these be broken, either by mistake or intentionally by vandals, they also tended to gradually flicker or go out completely through damaged electrical connections. Signs that blinked in successive patterns would eventually go out of whack as well. And since neon was almost always mounted high up on poles or the fronts of buildings, intentionally out of reach of the public, servicing it required climbing ladders or using other mechanical means of getting to it.

All this trouble meant that customers increasingly began to choose cheaper and less problematic signs made from plastic panels illuminated from behind by fluorescent light bulbs. And as these replaced neon, the exacting technique of bending the thin glass tubes into the required shapes of letters or other designs by holding them over a very hot flame like a bunsen burner was gradually lost by the experts who once had done this work.

During the 1930s neon was mostly perceived as being a colorful and lively part of urban areas, but by the late 1940s its reputation began to slip. In detective novels and Hollywood’s famous “film noir” crime dramas, neon instead began to symbolize the sleazy parts of cities where dangerous things happened and bad guys ran wild. In Hawaii specifically, neon began to be criticized in the 1950s. Don Beachcomber, restauranteur and eventual developer of the International Market Place, advocated that all neon be banished from Waikīkī since Kalākaua Avenue was “already taking on the aspects of any mainland street at night.” A visiting ad agency executive from Minnesota warned “... for heaven’s sake, don’t make [Hawai‘i] a neon paradise and over-commercialize it." A visitor from Connecticut wrote in a newspaper letter in 1956: “Everywhere neon signs! What has happened to the people of Hawai‘i that such desecration is permitted?” But at the same time a spokesman for a group of neon dealers countered that such signs “tend to aid crime prevention” (??) and that “many tourists have inquired why Honolulu doesn’t have huge sign displays like New York’s Times Square or Florida’s Miami Beach.” (Dubious).

In the end, it wasn’t a bad reputation that brought neon’s reign to an end; it was just cost, fragility and changing technology. A revival of interest and appreciation for neon began in the 1970s but this of itself was not enough to keep its use at the level of decades past. The incredibly specialized training necessary to bend the glass tubing into complex shapes stopped and those capable of doing it died off, and eventually LEDs replaced it with equally bright colors and even more changing patterns. While neon will, it’s hoped, always survive in some fashion, never again will Hawaiian skies be as widely lit by its glow as in the 20th century.

1 Neon montage ca 55 16x9

<title>Neon, its birth and death in Hawai‘i</title>

Bright, colorful neon signs debuted in the Islands nearly a century ago, with literal Hollywood glamor — the Waikīkī, Kūhiō and other movie palaces used them. Restaurants and small businesses of all kinds went for neon, too. Over time, they became associated with dive bars and the bad side of town. ASD history writer DeSoto Brown revisits and the highs and lows of this distinctly 20th-century form of advertising.

Neon, its birth and death in Hawai‘i

[{"type":"text","text":"Swimming comes more naturally to some dogs than others..."}]

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<title>Daily Smile: Thursday, Aug. 13, 2026</title>

Swimming comes more naturally to some dogs than others...

Daily Smile: Thursday, Aug. 13, 2026

Higa headshot white shirt square

Sterling Higa

Government & Politics

The criminal complaint says the lieutenant was careful. When money changed hands, he allegedly insisted on Instagram messages and FaceTime calls on burner phones, apps he believed the police could not easily reach.

Michael Vaituʻulala served nearly 18 years with the Maui Police Department. According to the complaint 

, he took cash to keep officers away from illegal cockfights. One organizer paid him a cut of the proceeds, and the low end was about $3,000 an event. On one trip to Las Vegas with an organizer, he allegedly gambled more than $30,000 at blackjack. Vaituʻulala is also accused of tipping off drug dealers about pending investigations, alerting them to wiretaps and warrants.

He is charged, not convicted, and the courts will sort out the truth. But one detail deserves a long look. Vaituʻulala led the Maui Police Department’s Criminal Intelligence Unit. The man assigned to watch organized crime on Maui is accused of working for it.

If the watchers are bought off, who watches them? If the allegations hold, this went on for years under the department’s own roof. The case that finally landed is federal — the FBI and federal prosecutors are bringing it, not the Maui Prosecutor, and not the state Attorney General.

There is a reason, and it is not an insult to Maui. Wire fraud is a federal crime, and electronic messages cross state borders. Drug trafficking is a federal crime, and the cooperating witnesses in this case were likely bargaining down their own federal sentences. But this is not the full story.

Corruption is rarely rooted out at its own level. The local police live next door to the people they would have to investigate. They are related to them, or they owe them, or they are afraid of them. So counties answer to the state, and the state answers to the federal government. Each rung of the ladder is watched by the rung above. When the feds bring a case, they bring wiretap recordings, witnesses who flipped, and private messages the defendant believed were beyond reach. They tend to win.

Paul wrote that the ruler “does not bear the sword in vain.” The sword in this case looks like subpoenas and postal inspectors, which is less dramatic than it sounds and more effective than it looks.

A man who can be paid to sell his badge is not restrained by conscience. He is restrained by the knowledge that somewhere above him sits an authority he cannot buy, with resources he cannot match. Criminals should feel fear.

We have been reminded before what happens when criminals are fearless. In 1970, state Senator Larry Kuriyama was 

 in his ʻAiea carport after coming home from an event.

Ronnie Ching, the mob hitman who admitted being a lookout for the killing, later claimed involvement in some 20 killings. One of these was the son of Charles Marsland — the man Honolulu then elected prosecutor in 1980. Marsland went to war against the syndicates.

Which brings me to Hawaiian sovereignty. The activists hold a premise I take seriously: Distant power is dangerous, and sometimes abused. History gives them plenty of material. But I have never heard one of them answer a simple question. In an independent Hawaiʻi, who stands on the rung above?

When local law enforcement is in bed with organized crime, who will investigate and prosecute? When state judges are taking bribes, who will take them to court?

Hawaiʻi is host not only to tourists, but also to human traffickers, drug traffickers, and extortion rings. Syndicates run game rooms and hold cockfights. Criminals in these organizations will bribe or murder the ones who stand in their way.

A nation of 1.4 million people would face foreign syndicates with more money and more manpower than the government itself. Our prosecutors are a thin bench. County law enforcement is already stretched. Small island nations across the Caribbean and the Pacific have run this experiment. The syndicates usually win.

Federal agencies harbor corruption of their own. The same logic that sends the FBI to Maui demands that Congress, the courts, and the inspectors general watch those watchers too. No agency is above the law.

Human justice will never be perfect. It must be pursued anyway.

The state cannot save a soul, and it has not been asked to. Its assignment is narrower: to be a terror to bad conduct. 

In Hawaiʻi, the feds have lately been doing that work. They 

 of trafficking three adults and one minor. They 

 who bought over 100 pounds of methamphetamine. They 

 who looted a Hawaiʻi County affordable housing program through bribery. Now they are taking on alleged corruption in local law enforcement.

The criminal complaint describes a man who believed some conversations were beyond reach. Many criminals make the same mistake, thinking that they will never be caught. On Earth, this may be so. But there is a judge who sees all, and His verdicts are perfect.

Vaituulala2

<title>Maui Police corruption case shows why Hawaiʻi needs federal law enforcement</title>

A Maui police lieutenant allegedly arranged his bribes over burner phones and Instagram, certain no one could read them. The FBI read every word. ASD columnist Sterling Higa on why corruption is only ever answered from the rung above.

Maui Police corruption case shows why Hawaiʻi needs federal law enforcement

Kelli Shiroma Braiotta Headshot

Kelli Shiroma Braiotta

Food & Dining

Hyatt Regency Waikīkī Beach Resort and Spa is celebrating a milestone anniversary this year. In honor of the resort’s 50th anniversary, 

 from Mondays to Thursdays — and 20% off on Fridays to Sundays — during the month of July.

The buffet usually costs $89.99 per adult ($44.99 per child ages 6 to 12, $14.99 per child ages 5 years and under).

The Buffet at Hyatt recently updated its offerings to include more Island-inspired dishes and local comfort foods. The updated menu includes a 

lūʻau area, featuring huli huli chicken thighs with pineapple relish; kalua pig with roasted Molokai sweet potato and coconut; and lau lau with lomi Kamuela tomato relish. Other new additions include hapa poke, North Shore garlic shrimp, sauteed sweet corn with kale and shimeji mushrooms, miso salmon with pickled ginger and green onions, and roasted pork loin with orange and shoyu glaze.

“As we celebrate 50 years of welcoming guests to Hyatt Regency Waikīkī, we’re proud to introduce a refreshed dining experience that reflects the vibrant spirit of Hawai

i and the diverse flavors of the Pacific Rim,” states Jeff 

Szombaty, director of culinary and food & beverage operations

. “The Buffet at Hyatt has been thoughtfully reimagined to celebrate the people, cultures and local ingredients that make this place so special, while continuing to offer the quality, variety and warm hospitality our guests have come to expect.”

Individuals can still enjoy popular buffet classics, including rosemary and Hawaiian salt-crusted prime rib, made-to-order temaki hand rolls, Alaskan snow crab legs, Hyatt signature sweet soy garlic fried chicken, Goosepoint oysters, assorted nigiri, and assorted sashimi.

The buffet’s dessert station includes soft serve ice cream with assorted toppings; a chocolate fountain with fruits, brownies and sponge cake; mini coconut crème brulee; pineapple upside-down cake; butter mochi and a rotating selection of seasonal treats.

The Buffet at Hyatt is open nightly from 5 to 9:30 p.m. (last seating is at 9 p.m.). Guests can enjoy live music on Fridays and Saturdays from 5 to 9 p.m.

Hyatt Regency Waikīkī Beach Resort and Spa

Buffet at Hyatt buffet area 071326

<title>Kamaʻāina can enjoy limited-time discounts at the Buffet at Hyatt</title>

Hyatt Regency Waikīkī Beach Resort & Spa recently updated its buffet menu to include more Island-inspired dishes. As part of the resort’s 50th anniversary celebration, kamaʻāina can enjoy 25% off at the Buffet at Hyatt from Mondays to Thursdays and 20% off on Fridays to Sundays for all of July.

Daily Smile: Friday, July 3, 2026

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Daily Smile: Friday, July 3, 2026

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