Community Voices: Hawaiʻi's housing affordability problem

Permit reform is a supply problem. What Hawaiʻi has is a price problem.

CI
Corey Idleburg

September 08, 20267 min read

Aerial photo of Honolulu neighborhoods
Honolulu neighborhoods. (iStock | AlexKane)

Every housing conversation in Hawaiʻi eventually comes down to the same thing: permits. They take too long. They cost too much. Fix the permitting system, and the housing will follow.

That argument is not wrong. Hawaiʻi’s permit processing times run more than triple the national average. In Honolulu, a single-family home permit took a median of 394 days in the first half of 2025, before new processing software was introduced. Multi-family units took 585 days. Those delays are real, and they cost real money.

But here is the part of the story that doesn’t get told as often: Hawaiʻi has been building housing. And for most families in this state, it still doesn’t matter. They still can’t afford it.

The numbers are blunt

The University of Hawaiʻi Economic Research Organization’s 2026 Housing Factbook puts it plainly. Affording the median-priced single-family home in Hawaii requires a household income of more than 180% of the state median. The state median household income is approximately $100,000. That means a family needs to earn roughly $180,000 just to qualify, under a conventional 30-year mortgage with a 20% down payment, spending no more than 30% of income on housing.

Only about one in five Hawaiʻi households earns that much.

One in five

The other four households aren’t priced out because the permitting process is slow. They’re priced out because the market produces homes they cannot afford to buy at any speed.

By mid-2026, the statewide single-family median has risen further. July data from Oʻahu shows a single-family median of $1.207 million, up 12% year over year. Statewide, first-half 2026 data puts the single-family median right at $1 million. Mortgage rates averaging around 6.9% as of mid-2026 erase most of the affordability gains that came from lower rates in 2025. Every uptick in rates means fewer families can qualify, even at the same price.

It depends on where you live

The statewide number is bad. The county-level numbers tell different stories worth understanding.

Maui County has the highest median single-family price in the state, now approaching $1.2 million for most of 2026, with the luxury end, Wailea and Mākena, averaging close to $2.65 million per sale in the second quarter. Over 55% of Maui renters are rent-burdened. Maui has lost net housing units over the past five years. And the county’s population fell again in 2025, a pattern driven by wildfire displacement, housing costs, and domestic out-migration that has not reversed.

Kauaʻi County tells a different version of the same story. Single-family prices on Kauaʻi surged 15% in the first half of 2026 despite a 12.6% drop in sales volume. A sign that limited inventory is pushing prices higher, even as fewer families can afford to participate in the market. Vacation rentals still account for nearly 20% of all housing units on the island, the highest concentration in the state. Nearly 52% of renters are rent-burdened.

Honolulu County has the highest median household income of the four counties at $106,000, but the Oʻahu single-family median has climbed above $1.2 million in recent months. Only 59.8% of Honolulu households own their homes, the lowest homeownership rate in the state.

Hawaiʻi County remains the relative outlier. The median single-family price of $465,000 is the lowest in the state by a wide margin. But median household income is also the lowest at $78,600, and the county has the highest unemployment rate. The comparative affordability here is not a sign of economic health.

People are leaving

Hawaiʻi’s population fell by 2,132 residents in fiscal year 2025, according to U.S. Census Bureau data released in January 2026. That brought the total state population to 1,432,820, about 22,447 fewer people than the April 2020 census base. Only Vermont and Puerto Rico lost a larger share of their populations during that same period.

Most of the loss is not natural — it’s people packing up and leaving. The Census Bureau estimated that 8,876 people migrated from Hawaiʻi to other parts of the United States in 2025. International migration and births provided some offset, but not enough to reverse the trend.

That is not a lifestyle shift. That is, families running the numbers and leaving because they cannot afford to stay.

Renters are carrying the heaviest load

Statewide, 56.7% of renter households are rent-burdened, spending more than 30% of their income on housing. Nearly 29% are severely rent-burdened, spending more than half of their income on rent.

The most expensive rental zip codes are all on Oʻahu. Hawaiʻi Kai has a median rent of $3,501 per month. Salt Lake, a working-class, military-adjacent neighborhood, runs $3,190. These are not luxury markets. They are where regular people live, and the rents are eating them alive.

Rents have grown slowly in recent years, which counts as a small relief. But slowly rising rents don’t fix the underlying problem when rents were already unaffordable before they slowed.

Supply does matter, but it’s not sufficient

Building more housing does put downward pressure on prices over time. UHERO research published in the journal Real Estate Economics traced the ripple effects of one 512-unit mixed-income condominium near Ala Moana, The Central, and found that its construction freed up more than 500 additional units across Oʻahu through a chain of moves. Those vacated units were roughly 40% less expensive than the new building. The evidence that new supply helps local households at multiple income levels is real.

But “over time” is doing a lot of work in that sentence. For families who need housing now, the long arc of market adjustment doesn’t answer the immediate question.

What’s actually being tried

A few interventions are worth tracking as the 2026 session results work through the system.

Honolulu’s Bill 7 has produced 189 income-restricted rental units, with another 550 under construction. It targets households at or below 100% of Area Median Income. The program’s policy goal is 500 units per year. It has never hit that number. The program also expires in 2030 without legislative extension, and because development timelines run five years or more, the window is narrowing.

Maui’s Bill 9 is the most direct attempt to convert existing units from tourist use back to housing. Condo prices in affected areas were already down 11% compared to 2023, even before full implementation. UHERO estimates a complete phase-out could reduce those prices by 20% to 40%. That’s real movement, but the policy faces ongoing legal challenges from owners in resort areas who argue it violates their property rights, and its ultimate outcome remains uncertain.

On the permitting side, the 2026 Legislature passed SB 2671, which authorizes county mayors to establish a pilot program that uses targeted hiring, higher pay, and performance incentives for permit-processing staff. SB 2673, which requires a statewide permitting data standard and mandatory monthly reporting from each county, was also passed and signed by the governor. These are meaningful reforms. Whether they move the needle on actual processing times is a question the data will need to answer over the next two years.

What they will not do is make a $1.2 million Oʻahu home affordable to a family earning $75,000.

The gap the market won’t close

More market-rate supply and faster permits will help households near the top of the affordability curve. For families earning $50,000, $60,000, or $70,000 a year, those improvements are unlikely to arrive at a scale or speed sufficient to change their options in any practical way.

The households most in need are the ones least served by a market responding to normal incentives. They need income-restricted housing, subsidized rentals, and sustained public investment. Not just faster permits for homes, they still can’t afford to buy.

That’s not an argument against supply expansion. It’s an argument for being honest about what supply expansion alone can and cannot do.

The families running the numbers and choosing to leave deserve that honesty most of all.

Reprinted with permission from Corey Idleburg, executive director of The Learning Observatory, a Honolulu-based nonprofit that translates research, data, and policy into accessible public information for Hawaiʻi communities. Learn more at tlohi.org.

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Authors

CI

Corey Idleburg

Corey Idleburg is the founder and executive director of The Learning Observatory, an independent Hawaiʻi nonprofit that translates research, data, and policy into clear explanations for public understanding.